IMHO

Writings contained herein are of opinion, honestly held, and of unmalicious intent.

J’Accuse

March 24th, 2008

Stephen Collins wrote in the Irish Times recently of his concerns at the lack of criticism emanating from Fianna Fail, government Ministers or their coalition partners following revelations that Mr. Ahern appears to have misled the Tribunal and the Irish public concerning his receiving sterling cash.

He claimed:“The real problem is that the country may be stuck with a Taoiseach who has lost the moral authority to govern at a time of deepening economic crisis.”

Perhaps this is a somewhat longsighted view.

The Tribunal has discovered that the Taoiseach did receive payments in sterling contrary to his earlier claims of never having done so. However, Mr. Ahern is not the only government Minister implicated during evidence of the past ten years of the Tribunal’s Inquiry. Without exception all the major and minor democratic parties in Ireland have been implicated at one time or another. The Greens, Fianna Fail, Labour, Fine Gael, Sinn Fein, all of them.

Members of all these parties received payments, many were undeclared, and went tax free. It’s all there, ladies and gents. Just read the transcripts of the Tribunal.

Over the past year I’ve listened to evidence from public representatives of all persuasions. Senators, Councillors and TDs, every hue of the Irish political spectrum has appeared here.

Incriminating evidence that the Tribunal has discovered does not limit itself to our public representatives; business interests in our national land and infrastructural development, compelled by the Tribunal’s Order of Discovery, have supplied their books. And similiar to Mr. Ahern’s story, their explanation appeared at best inconclusive, at worst misleading.

A national development plan, designed to benefit economically deprived areas, to bring jobs and a better standard of living, was hijacked by a land developer – with one thing on his mind, profit.

Quarryvale; the original Liffey Valley Centre was relocated, lock-stock-and two smoking barrels, out of Clondalkin, an area badly in need of investment.

So where is the smoking gun? Where is the last straw that breaks the camel’s back.

In answer to that, I can only suppose that discovering it would be like finding a reed in a haystack – and besides there have been so many smoking guns in this story. Bertie getting caught with his hand in the cookie jar is, after all, only a metaphor; the nuts and bolts procedure of compiling evidence and the final report will unlikely lead to a prosecution. The inside line speculates that within the year, we’ll have our report. Only then, can the Oireachtas, the Irish Parliament, elected on our behalf, make its decision. The report will contain a statement and a list of recommendations, as have other Tribunals before it.

The Tribunal’s investigations have demonstrated that the Irish Leader enriched himself in the mid-90s, when he was Minister for Finance, by amounts far in excess of the original allegations of bribery made against him. The Tribunal’s line of inquiry has revealed that Mr. Ahern and his then partner, Celia Larkin, availed of these monies – sums in excess of an average public service wage in 1994 – to benefit themselves. Mr. Ahern admits to receiving large sums from a group of Manchester businessmen, but has attested on national television that he never received anything from developer Owen O’Callaghan. But of course Mr. O’Callaghan paid his dues through intermediaries. At the time the developer used lobbyist Frank Dunlop and shelf companies like Riga and Barkhill Ltd. to channel funds to all the required parties to get the Quarryvale deal done.

In 1993/4 local Clondalkin Councillors voted (or by abstention failed to prevent) the rezoning of the proposed mega shopping centre away from its original location as a new Clondalkin town centre to another site, Quarryvale – ‘a worthless’ tract of land adjacent to the newly built N4 motorway, available for a song – far cheaper than redeveloping Clondalkin town centre. Tax designation for businesses, designed to foster economic growth, specifically for deprived areas, was also relocated to Quarryvale by the same Councillors.

They willfully voted the land be developed elsewhere. In return for their votes they received large sums of money – from the developer’s lobbyist and ‘bag-man’ Frank Dunlop – at election time so that they could finance their respective election campaigns. Local Councillors admitted receiving money, donations which sometimes tripled the legal limit for political donations at the time.

These same County Councillors apologised to the Tribunal for omitting this information, claiming honest mistake. To forget mention of such payments, or the tax due thereof, what an audacious omission; but to sell a brighter future for their constituents out from under them for the price of funding their own election campaigns, seems to me a most reprehensible act and a heinous misrepresentation of their democratic office. These transgressions far exceed those of Charles J. Haughey who, for all his vices, merely enriched himself at the expense of the powerful business lobby; these Councillors (many of whom pictured herein) colluded with government TDs and Ministers and sold us out – hook, line and sinker. And ten years ago they sold out the people of Clondalkin, now ravaged by spiraling gangland shootings, drug use and poverty.

Ladies and Gentlemen of the public sphere, you ask for a smoking gun.

I can only suggest that it’s staring us straight in the face.

The third significant party in this sorry tale are the banks, footing the bill. One of these banks put up 8 million pounds (a still significant sum in those days) in 1994 to fund the hijacked development. But they have also operated accounts for all the chief players in this theatre macabre. Accounts such as the ‘B/T’ account, known to Irish Permanent bank manager Blair Hughes as “the Bertie Tim account”, received enormous sums in ‘94 lodged by Tim Collins, close friend to the Taoiseach. Though the Cork developer Owen O’Callaghan (the developer who allegedly claimed to have the Taoiseach “in his pocket” to the tune of 80,000 pounds) has denied ever having made such a statement. Company accounts, however, tell their own story. One far too convoluted to expand upon here.

People from these three entities (the parties, the developers and the banks) have, to my eyes, lied consistently under oath in the Tribunal. I say this with a cool head and an angry heart and not some degree of litigious trepidation – lobbyists & accountants, have perjured themselves and admitted their perjury, at an opportune moment.

Councillors and Senators have claimed honest mistake in concealing their receipt of money, the times and amounts of which have been diligently recorded by the Tribunal. It seems only after a payment’s discovery and presentation to them on an 8 ft by 8 ft computer projection in the Tribunal’s red-decked halls do they remember that they received a payment, or the true amount thereof.

Evidence over the past 11 months has shown that the Tribunals – instated a decade ago by the then Fianna Fail government to restore public faith in the office of our government – have been able to verify whether or not any public officals have received unethical payments. Though whether this will restore public faith in our government yet remains to be seen.

Payments to the Irish Taoiseach were disguised by an ingenious system of foreign exchange transactions. 1,000 sterling would convert to to 1,028 Irish pounds in 1994, and such laundered sums were either placed in Mr. Ahern’s safe in St. Lukes or brazenly lodged into Mr. Ahern’s bank accounts at a time in the mid-90s when he was stating on RTE national news that he had no sympathy for tax cheats being sent to prison. I’ll warrant none of the sterling lodgements to Mr. Ahern’s accounts were mentioned in his yearly tax returns. I base this judgement of the Irish Leader’s character upon the nature of his testimony, to which I have attended in detail, during his appearances here. Mr. Ahern’s systematic misremembrances and premeditated alteration of previous testimony have been consistent and of deliberate method, and are imho indicative of a lack of credibility, not only of Mr Ahern but also of a system that has failed to remedy, or even address, the corruption discovered a decade ago.

The Tribunal has followed the numbers, established the facts, the figures, the remembered details – or more frequently the multitudinous unremembered facts – from many persons associated with Bertie Ahern’s finances. But the truth is a tenuous discretion at times here in the Tribunal, and the Taoiseach’s credibility hangs suspended by a single Damoclean hair.

Truth, as revealed by Blair Hughes, a now retired bank manager, who dealt with the Irish Leader’s accounts. Mr. Hughes told the truth, he revealed the sums, the dockets, the receipts, the teller numbers, everything. Following Huges’ testimony it became apparent that Ms. Carruth was the weak link in the chain of evidence that Mr. Ahern has concocted over the past some years to vindicate his good name on foot of allegations of his receiving corrupt payments.

But there is one fact, that all the dig-outs in the world cannot deny, Mr. Ahern stated under oath that lodgements made into his Irish Permanent accounts during the time (1994) were related to his salary only, yet on the 9th of May 1994 at 10:30 in the morning, his secretary crossed Drumcondra Road from his St. Lukes Fianna Fail constituency office to the Irish Permanent, carrying 6,000 odd in English currency, she changed this to Irish pounds and lodged it into the Irish Leader’s bank accounts. Since Mr. Ahern and his staff have given testimony that only Bertie had access to the safe in St. Lukes, he is, by way of logical deduction the only person likely to have instructed Ms. Carruth to carry out the sterling lodgements.

He lied.

He lied to me.

He lied to you.

He lied to the Irish people.

Ends

March 21st, 2008

Ahern’s Corner

The Irish Taoiseach would appear to be a man out of options.

But appearances can be deceiving.

This controversy, which has been firing on all cylinders since mid-2006 reveals to aplomb not only the Bertie Ahern’s political strength but also his brilliant management of what can realistically be called ‘A public relations nightmare’.

That is what Bertie’s dream of retiring into historical acclaim has decended into.

The Irish leader being cross-examined, in public, about allegations of corruption by accepting bribes.

The Taoiseach’s responses, which he claimed prior to being re-elected in 2007 would vindicate his ‘good name’, have been at best inconclusive, at worst farsical and an insult to the intelligence and patience of this Irish citizen.

With Napoleonic guile the Irish Taoiseach has (intentionally or no) misappraised, misdirected and mislead the Inquiry into corruption. For almost two years Mr. Ahern has maintained his position as Irish leader, on foot of Tomas Gilmartin’s allegations of bribes paid to him by Owen O’Callaghan of £30,000 and £50,000 in 1994.

If damage control is the name of the game then Ahern has played a blinder. But inevitably even his top-notch legal team (Colm O’Hoisin and McGuire SC) can only play for time. Damage control, after-all, can not be maintained indefinitely. And in his understandable efforts to maintain his good name he has painted himself into a corner by revealing part of his banking activities, he did this to exonerate himself but it has only further compounded his tenuous public credibility due to the comprising nature of said accounts in the mid-90s.

What Mr. Ahern, one the most successful and accomplished statesmen of our generation, should really be doing now is planning an exit strategy. Namely Europe.

However, that strategy is unlikely to be chosen by a man whose political legacy is in jeopardy of being tarnished by corruption charges. How would Europe look on Mr. Ahern’s record, in their consideration of a new President of the EU Commission, of which Mr. Ahern is believed in many camps on mainland Europe, to be a serious contender.

Another strategy is to counter all the negative publicity emanating from witnesses’ testimony at the Mahon Tribunal, with a big PR event and Bertie Ahern’s historic address to the American House of Congress, next month is exactly what his flagging reputation needs. It is likely Mr. Ahern will indicated his hand in the resolution of the centuries-long feud in Ulster, or the unprecidented growth in Ireland’s economy.

One can imagine that he will be much more comfortable showcasing these achievments from Congress’ orator’s podium next month, than his ethical standards in the stand at the Mahon Tribunal.

Ends

Dunlop bids the Tribunal goodbye

March 7th, 2008

This week was lobbyist Frank Dunlop’s last week in the Tribunal which he attended for over 100 days.

The admitted perjurer accepted that “for a certain amount of time I did not tell the truth” but emphasised that from April, 2000, the Tribunal had “gotten pretty much the whole story.”

He included a qualification on his statement to introduce the publication of his new book, an insider’s account of his near ten-year long ordeal, shuffling bank accounts and stuffing matresses.
Mr. Dunlop operated Shefran Ltd, a shelf company – though he claimed it specialised in public relations – which the Tribunal showed had channeled funds from O’Callaghan’s companies Barkhill and Riga Ltd. These funds were then transmitted as so-called ‘donations’ (which often exceeded the amount legally permitted in 1994) to ground level public representatives (Councillors).

Ends (for now)

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Throughout Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday’s proceedings Aiden Lucey brought the art of qualifying an answer to a new low. If you thought the Irish leader could dodge a question or two, check out Lucey.

Ladies and gentlemen of the public sphere; you ask me why the Tribunal’s lawyers are making big figure salaries, you ask why they have dragged on for 10 years with no end in sight. Ladies and gentlemen you ask for an accounting of what is amis; and I give you Mr. Aiden Lucey. A president of over 30 companys, at one time or another, whose memory flagged and waned at such an alarming rate in regard to the questions put to him by Patricia Dillon SC that one wondered how he had found his way unaccompanied to these halls at all. He waylaid the business of the Tribunal by insistently misapprehending questions put to him about sums he administered for Owen O’Callaghan. So much so, that Ms. Dillon was reduced to guiding Mr. Lucey repeatedly around the same questions like a mildly retarded chimpanzee.

As Mr. Lucey’s time before the Tribunal drew to a close Ms Dillon for the Tribunal spoke through hands which covered her face, it was no use, Lucey wasn’t talking.

This week in March I watched a state body appointed by our Executive branch of government, comprised of some of the most talented Irish lawyers, barristers and solicitors of our generation, demeaned by a crafty bumbling bean-counter.

Mr. Lucey said I don’t remember 56 times,

Mr. Lucey attributed his memory-loss to the length of time between then and now 7 times,

Mr. Lucey neglected to respond to questions 11 times,

He was unable to inform the Tribunal of any substantive information concerning 6 invoices which he had signed and were presented before him in evidence.

He was unable at most times to recall anything about anything of interest to the Tribunal counsel and had to be skillfully guided through computer copies by Ms. Dillon, in a process that took up most of the Tribunal’s day.
Ends.

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March 6th, 2008

For some time now social scientists have examined the effects that media has on public opinion. Some have concluded that media bias, and here I mean non-partisan reporting in mainstream media, has little effect on the ebb and flow of public attitudes.

A citizen is an individual, after all, and forms his or her judgements based on their own scheme of things and according to their own will.

And herein lies the paradox of a state Tribunal; the more diligently and equivocal the press-guys are in telling the public what is going on here, the more indistinct and damn right confusing the whole thing gets.

This corresponds with viewer research published in 2007 which showed that non-partisan ‘balanced’ journalism had a significantly negative effect on viewer cognition of a story. The more balanced a story, essentially, the less a person will understand it and it follows is more likely to lose interest.

It also found that advocacy journalism, where a reporter takes a side or tells it from a particular angle increases viewer cognition. Could the popularity of Michael Moore’s partisan form of journalism be proof of this?

The real breakdown in communication between the people, and the story is surprisingly easy to identify, if you consider it carefully.

If the medium is the message then the media are the middle men, dealing in stories about events of the day, telling the truth as each of them understands it. Scratchin’ a wage in the Fourth Estate.

Only the truth ain’t sellin’ when the viewers aren’t watching.

The media packages the story, eliminating all the unnecessary stuff, to get a 2:00 news clip, to slot it into the main national news shows, but in so doing elimates the story’s true meaning.

What’s the story’s true meaning?

Only the viewer should decide that.

Unfortunately for the Irish public (or fortunately, for those with something to hide) it is blinded by red-tape wrapped around the Tribunal. Their view is barred by the rules that bind the Estate of the Judiciary in its entirety. No camera or technological device is permitted to broadcast proceedings.

And for television news, no pictures means no news.

Why not allow the Irish public their right to view the proceedings. Video recordings of questioning should be available to the public, to the old and young, to the infirm and to the far and wide Irish diasporo, who for one reason or another cannot attend during the day.

Making these recordings available to download, just like the transcripts on the tribunal’s website, would reinvigorate the public’s interest in the administration of state bodies, it would provide transparency and credibility to a waning public confidence in the administration of our nation.

Those who make the effort to come here, to the castle, sit and watch as an enormous story, of the way things were in Ireland in the 90s, unfolds before us piece by jigsaw piece.

Here in the public gallery there is a chair to spare, sparcely populated with nodding-off dames, it’s sweet really to be surrounded by these snoozing doctors and grandmothers, some snore softly or smack their lips, or dream of days gone by.
Ends.

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March 6th, 2008,01:44

It’s enough to drive a person dotty were he to spend too much time at the Tribunal. I’ve only been coming here since last summer and I’m already feeling the itch. It’s an itch to get out of there, to fly away to sunny shores.

When Tribunal staff took their Christmas break recently, I hope they flew away to somewhere clear and bright and warm. I hope they holidayed with people that were straight up with them, and to the point.

These virtues are in scarce demand in the red curtained hall of the tribunal.

The the public gallery seats are all empty now, save for a rigorous few, huddled near the centre-the die-hards-we know each other by name and conspiracy theory. And we all have one, or several.

Like the B/T account.

Now what kind of a name is that? B/T. A non-descript name for a non-descript account, based in Irish Permanent Drumcondra, spitting distance from Bertie Ahern’s main constituency office St. Lukes.

It was notable during the Taoiseach’s last appearance at the Tribunal, February 21, 22, the lengths to which all of the legal teams involved, Bertie’s, Larkin’s and many more besides stressed the identity of the ‘B/T’ account was actually, the ‘building trust’ account-apparently a trust set up by Fianna Fail’s local Cumann to raise funds for a renovation on St. Lukes.

The sole signatory on this account was Tim Collins, Bertie’s close friend.

What kind of a name is ‘B/T’ for a bank account. Well it would strike this roving blogger as code for something else. Most likely this code actually stands for ‘Bertie/Tim’ account, they were good friends, Tim was the sole beneficiary and it was unconnected with the Irish leader.

Last month the Tribunal requested that Tim Collins and the Cumann produce all their documents relating to any payments during the early 90s. Mr. Collins and his lawyer showed up last week requesting more time to collate the evidence which has proven extensive.

The Tribunal goes through everything, personal bank accounts, off-shore bank accounts, cheque stubs and every docket, triplicate, note or scrawled kerchief to establish an accurate picture.

Ends

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